In this blog post, we’ll explore the life of Barlam Shalamov—who survived 17 years in a Stalin-era Kolyma forced-labor camp—and the literary significance of ‘The Kolyma Tales’.
What was Kolyma like?
‘The Kolyma Tales’ is a vivid account of the experiences of writer Barlam Shalamov, who spent 17 years in the forced-labor camps of the Kolyma region during the Stalin era and miraculously survived.
Kolyma is located in northeastern Russia; although commonly referred to as part of Siberia, it is actually part of the Russian Far East. Bordered by the East Siberian Sea and the Arctic Ocean to the north and the Sea of Okhotsk to the south, this Far Eastern region takes its name from the Kolyma River and the surrounding mountainous terrain; it was a land unknown until 1926. Today, this region belongs to the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug of Russia and borders the Sakha Republic (Yakutia), Magadan Oblast, and the Kamchatka Krai. The area around the Kolyma River basin is referred to as the “Kolyma Region” or simply “Kolyma.”
Part of this region lies within the Arctic Circle, and winter lasts for nine months of the year. Permafrost and tundra, covered by vast taiga (coniferous forests), make up most of the region. In winter, temperatures drop to between minus 60 and 70 degrees, and the region is rich in mineral resources such as gold, silver, diamonds, tin, tungsten, mercury, copper, coal, and oil.
Magadan, the largest port city in northeastern Siberia, covers an area of 18 square kilometers and has a population of approximately 1 million.
Siberia, where the Kolyma region is located, has been a place of exile not only during the Tsarist era but also since the time of the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the 15th century. In Russia, dissidents were exiled to Siberia, far from the mainland.
For example, when Crown Prince Dmitry Ivanovich was assassinated in Uglich in 1591, many ordinary citizens were sentenced to exile in Siberia by Boris Godunov, who later ascended the throne. Furthermore, many people who participated in the “Decembrist Uprising”—a rebellion staged by progressive young nobles in St. Petersburg on the day of Nicholas I’s coronation in December 1825—were exiled to Siberia. During the reign of Alexander III, who succeeded the assassinated Alexander II, the number of exiles surged. George Cannon, an American who conducted field research in 1885 and wrote ‘Siberia and the Exile System’ (1891), recorded—based on official Russian government documents—that “the number of exiles sent to Siberia over the 64-year period from 1823 to 1887 was 772,979.” It was during this period that Dostoevsky, while in exile in Omsk, wrote ‘Notes from the House of the Dead’, and Korolenko wrote ‘Makar’s Dream’ while in exile in Yakutsk. However, in an era before railroads, Yakutsk was effectively the end of Siberia. The vast plains stretching eastward beyond Yakutsk serve as the setting for ‘The Kolyma Tales’.
Under the Stalinist regime, Kolyma became the most notorious forced-labor camp. Between 1932 and 1954, one million or more people perished either on their way there or while working in Kolyma’s gold mines, on road construction projects, in logging operations, or on camp construction sites. The living conditions in the Kolyma camps are well-documented in various sources, and not only were they widely publicized through writer Shalamov’s ‘Tales of Kolyma’, but also because Alexander Solzhenitsyn—author of ‘The Gulag Archipelago’ and Nobel Prize laureate in Literature—is famously said to have, upon landing on the runway at Magadan Airport in the Far East of Siberia after ending his 20-year exile and returning to his homeland of Russia, touched the soil of his homeland with both hands and “I have come here to honor the millions of my compatriots who were executed or secretly buried in Kolyma.” He paid his respects to the victims who perished in the Kolyma forced-labor camps in the Far East.
Gold was discovered in this region in the early 20th century. The Soviet Union needed massive funds for economic development during its industrialization drive, which began with the First Five-Year Plan (1928–1932). The region’s abundant mineral resources were considered ideal for raising these funds. However, securing a labor force in the Far East was a top priority in order to begin full-scale gold production and boost the nation’s overall economic strength.
However, securing a labor force in such an extreme region, far removed from urban centers, was no easy task. It can be said that the tragedy of Kolyma stemmed from this. The gold mining project, which mobilized a workforce of prisoners, unfolded as a result of the interplay between two factors: the long-standing tradition of using the region as a place of isolation for heretics and traitors, and the need to secure labor to build an economic foundation. This imposed a unique fate upon Kolyma.
To extensively develop the Kolyma region, the Soviet government established a special organization in 1931 called Dalstroy (Дальстрой, the Far North Construction Trust; renamed the Far North Construction Administration in 1938). While Dalstroy ostensibly operated under the guise of a “trust” for construction in the Far East, it was, in reality, an organization that assisted the political police. Dalstroy came to handle all administrative affairs within the Kolyma region of the Far East. Road construction, gold mining, and exploration of remote areas were among Dalstroy’s primary tasks; however, above all, the management and supervision of forced labor camps (the Gulag, literally “Camp Administration”) were its most critical responsibilities. With the appointment of Verzin as the first Dalstroy Director (Minister), the history of the infamous Kolyma camps began—an event that also marks the starting point of the history of the city of Magadan today.
The first requirement for mining the Kolyma region’s mineral resources was the introduction of modern mining technology. At the time, the Soviet Union’s mining technology was outdated, and although it attempted to adopt American technology, this proved unfeasible; consequently, it had no choice but to rely on primitive mining methods using a slave labor force composed primarily of political prisoners.
The next requirement was securing a labor force and the means of transportation to transport that labor to Kolyma. Ultimately, they utilized the countless political prisoners arrested during the “struggle against the kulaks” as a labor force. These prisoners were transported via the Trans-Siberian Railway to Vladivostok and then shipped to the port of Magadan via the Sea of Okhotsk on cargo ships—dubbed “modern-day slave ships”—or transported directly across the Arctic Ocean from the outset.
The first laborers interned in the camps were “kulaks” or “Ukrainian nationalists” who opposed Stalin’s radical agricultural collectivization policy, which began in 1929. During the Great Purge (1936–1938), people from numerous social strata across the Soviet Union were interned in the camps under the labels of “political prisoners” or “enemies of the people.” Later, during World War II and afterward, prisoners of war from Ukraine, Poland, the three Baltic states, Germany, Japan, and Korea were also held there. In addition to these political prisoners and foreign prisoners of war, a significant number of common criminals (thugs) were also sent to the camps; with the tacit approval of the camp authorities, they served as work gang leaders and committed all manner of atrocities within the camps.
Prisoners held in the camps were assigned to gold mining, road construction, and other specialized tasks. Of these three, gold mining was the most grueling. The primary concern of Dalstroy, which administered these forced-labor camps at the time, was increasing productivity; to this end, they squeezed every last drop of labor out of the prisoners assigned to these tasks. Solzhenitsyn quotes Naftaly Frenkel, the camp commander who established “new rules” in ‘The Gulag Archipelago’. “We must squeeze everything out of the prisoners within the first three months. After that, we no longer need them.” Due to the hard labor and meager rations, most prisoners became hopeless “dohodyaga” (people dying from exhaustion).
Road construction was considered second only to gold mining in importance because it was vital for transporting labor and supplies. Although road construction was relatively easier than gold mining, many victims perished during the work because prisoners were only mobilized for road construction after they had been completely exhausted in the gold mines and had become utterly useless. So many people perished while working on the Kolyma Highway, which connected Magadan and Yakutsk, that the road is also known as the “Road of Skulls.”
Death in the Kolyma camps took various forms. These included brutal labor in the bitter cold, starvation, malnutrition, mining accidents, murders committed by prisoners, and beatings by guards. Colonel Sergei Garanin, commander of the Northeast Forced Labor Camp, stated that as of the late 1930s, work crews that failed to meet their labor quotas could be shot at will. Beatings and torture as punishment were commonplace. Soviet dissident historian Roy Medvedev compared the conditions at the Kolyma camps to those at Auschwitz. In fact, Shalamov, through a character in ‘Tales of Kolyma’, refers to Kolyma as “Auschwitz without crematoria.”
It is extremely difficult to accurately calculate the number of political victims during the Soviet era. On April 6, 1990, Soviet general and historian Dmitrii Volkogonov estimated the number of people imprisoned or killed at approximately 22.5 million during a lecture at the Pentagon. Estimates by non-Soviet historians are significantly higher. Focusing solely on the Kolyma region, British historian Robert Conquest initially estimated the death toll at 3 million but later revised this figure, acknowledging it was an overestimate. Matthew White puts the death toll at 500,000. In his book ‘Stalin’s Slave Ships’, Martin Bollinger carefully analyzed the number of prisoners (900,000) transported by ship to Magadan between 1932 and 1953 and estimated the annual death rate at 27 percent. In a review of Bollinger’s book, Norman Polmar (Norman Polmar) estimated the death toll at 3 million. While these claims remain mere estimates due to the lack of definitive data, it is clear that countless people perished in Kolyma.
Shalamov returned to Moscow in 1956 after completing 17 years of forced labor at the Kolyma labor camp, beginning in 1937, and vividly depicted his experiences in his literary works. This is ‘The Kolyma Tales’.
What kind of life did Shalamov lead?
Varlam Shalamov (Варлам Тихонович Шаламов) was born on June 18, 1907, in the city of Vologda in northern Russia. His father, Tikhon Nikolayevich Shalamov, was a priest, and his mother, Nadezhda Alexandrovna, was a teacher. Shalamov graduated from high school with excellent grades in 1923 but was denied admission to university because he was the son of a clergyman.
Consequently, Shalamov left his hometown and lived as a boarder at his aunt’s house on the outskirts of Moscow, working as a tanner at a leather factory. In 1926, he enrolled in the Soviet Law Faculty at Moscow State University but was expelled in 1928 “for concealing his social background.”
In his autobiographical novella ‘The Fourth Vologda’ (Четвертая Вологда) (1968–1971), Shalamov recounts his childhood and youth, revealing how his convictions were formed and how his yearning for justice and his spirit of struggle for justice were strengthened. His ideal in his youth was to become a member of the “Will of the People” Party. He sought to emulate their selfless deeds and heroic acts of resistance against all the powers of the autocratic state. He had already shown artistic talent in his childhood and was an avid reader.
At the age of 20, Shalamov keenly sensed the trend toward dictatorship that Stalin was promoting and participated in several anti-government rallies and demonstrations. During this time, on February 19, 1929, Shalamov joined an underground Trotskyist group and was arrested by secret police lying in wait at an underground printing press where they were preparing to print the so-called “Lenin’s Testament” (formally titled “Letter to the 12th Party Congress”), he was arrested by secret police lying in wait at an underground printing press where he had gone to print the document. He was sentenced in absentia to three years in a labor camp and served his sentence at the Vyshera camp in the Northern Urals. His short story collection, set in this camp, includes “The Anti-Novel Vyshera.” In 1932, Shalamov returned to Moscow, where he worked as a magazine reporter while devoting himself to writing.
Shalamov was married twice. His first marriage, in 1934, was to Galina Ignatyevna Goodz, with whom he had a daughter, Yelena. His second marriage (1956–1966) was to the writer Olga Sergeyevna Neklyudova; her son, Sergei Yuryevich Neklyudov, was a renowned Russian folklorist and Doctor of Philology.
However, in January 1937, Shalamov was arrested again on the grounds that he was a convicted criminal; following a summary trial, he was sentenced to five years in a labor camp on charges of being a “counterrevolutionary Trotskyist” and served his sentence in Kolyma. He spent that time at gold mines and outposts in the taiga, and while working at the “Partisan,” “Chornoe Ozero,” “Arkagala,” and “Zelgala” mines, he was hospitalized several times due to the harsh conditions in Kolyma. On June 22, 1943, he was sentenced for a second time to 10 years in prison for anti-Soviet agitation. The reason given was that he had referred to “Bunin as a Russian classical writer.” Ivan Bunin was an exiled writer who had been the first Russian to win the Nobel Prize in Literature. During that time, he was shuttled from one place to another and was not freed from manual labor until 1946.
In 1951, Shalamov was released from the labor camp but could not return to Moscow immediately. After completing an eight-month course to become an assistant physician in 1946, he worked as a staff physician in the surgery department and at the forestry “branch office” of the Central Hospital for Prisoners in the village of Devin on the left bank of the Magadan River until 1953. He was able to pursue the assistant physician program thanks to a personal recommendation from Dr. Pantyukhov. The repression led to the breakdown of his family and a deterioration in his health. After his name was cleared in 1956, he returned to Moscow.
In 1932, after serving his first prison term, Shalamov returned to Moscow and began working on the editorial staff of the magazine ‘Moscow’ (‘Москва’), where he published several short stories. One of his first major works, “The Three Deaths of Doctor Austino” (‘Три смерти доктора Аустино’), appeared in the magazine ‘October’ (‘Октябрь’) in 1936.
In 1949, at the “Duskaniya Spring” in Kolyma, he began writing poetry for the first time as a prisoner.
After his release in 1951, Shalamov was able to resume his literary activities. However, he was unable to leave Kolyma. It was not until November 1953 that he received permission from the authorities to leave. Shalamov returned to Moscow, where he reunited with his family and met Pasternak. However, unable to live in the big city, he moved to the Kalinin Oblast near Moscow, where he worked as a foreman at a peat mining site and as a supply agent. He described this entire period in ‘The Kolyma Tales’, one of his major collections. The author wrote ‘The Kolyma Tales’ from 1954 to 1973. The book was published in Russian in London in 1978. It has since been translated into various languages, including German (1967), French, English, Italian, Polish, and Japanese. Within the Soviet Union, publication began in 1988, six years after the author’s death. Riding the wave of perestroika (reform) and glasnost (openness), more than ten different editions have been published from the late 1980s to the present, followed by complete works in three volumes (1992), four volumes (1998), and seven volumes (2013). Shalamov’s collection of short stories, collectively known as “The Kolyma Tales,” is organized into six series according to the author’s own classification. “Kolyma Stories (Колымские рассказы),” “Essays on the Criminal World (Очерки преступного мира),” “The Master of the Shovel (Артист лопаты),” “The Left Bank (Левый берег),” “The Resurrection of the Larch (Воскрешение лиственницы),” and “The Glove, or Kolyma Stories-2 (Перчатка, или КР-2).” These works were compiled into two volumes under the title ‘Kolymskiye Rasskazy’ (Kolymskiye Stories) as part of the “Krestnyy Put’ Rossii” (The Way of the Cross in Russia) series planned by the Sovetskaya Rossiya (Soviet Russia) publishing house in 1992. In 1998, early works, essays, letters, poems in a four-volume set by the Moscow Literary (Художественная литература) Publishing House.
Shalamov completed the poetry collection ‘Kolymskiye Tetradi’ (Колымские тетради) (1937–1956) and published excerpts from it in issue No. 5 of ‘Znamya’ (Знамя).
After his rehabilitation in 1956, he returned to Moscow and resided there. He published his works in the magazines ‘Youth’ (‘Юность’), ‘The Banner’ (‘Знамя’), and ‘Moscow’ (‘Москва’), and developed friendships with N. Y. Mandelstam (wife of the poet Osip Mandelstam), O. V. Ivinskaya, and Solzhenitsyn (though his relationship with Solzhenitsyn later turned into a dispute). He also frequently visited the home of the renowned philologist V. N. Klyueva, who lived on Arbat Street. Shalamov’s prose and poetry describing his harrowing experiences in Stalin-era labor camps—namely, ‘The Flint’ (Огниво) (1961), ‘The Rustle of Leaves’ (1964), and ‘The Road and Destiny’ (1967), also resonate with the Moscow theme found in ‘Moscow Clouds’ (1972). He met Galich in the 1960s. Around 1966, as he was separating from his second wife, he met I. P. Sirotinskaya, who worked at the Central State Archive of Literature and Art.
In 1973, he became a member of the Writers’ Union. From 1973 to 1979, he moved into a home for the disabled and the elderly, where he kept the notebooks necessary for his work. Shirotinskaya, who had received all copyrights—including those related to the selection and publication of his works—along with all his manuscripts from Shalamov, continued this work until her death in 2011.
Shirotinskaya deserves special mention. She first met Shalamov in March 1966 while working as a staff member at the Central State Archive of Literature and Art. This encounter developed into a friendship that lasted until the author’s death. Shalamov transferred all copyrights to Shirotinskaya, and thanks to her dedicated efforts, most of the author’s legacy was published. This includes a two-volume set (1992), a four-volume set (1998), and a six-volume complete works (2006, expanded to seven volumes in 2013 after her death), containing prose, poetry, memoirs, essays, and diary entries.
In 2006, she published a memoir titled ‘My Friend Barlam Shalamov’, and on the 17th and 18th of 2007, she organized an international academic conference in Moscow to commemorate the 100th anniversary of Barlam Shalamov’s birth; she continued to transcribe Shalamov’s late manuscripts and oversee their publication until her death. The author dedicated one of the volumes in the ‘Kolyma Tales’ series, writing, “I dedicate ‘The Resurrection of the Larch’ to Irina Pavlovna Shirotinskaya. Without her, this book would never have seen the light of day.”
Shalamov spent his final three years, gravely ill, in a facility for the disabled and the elderly. Even then, he continued to write poetry. In 1981, the French branch of the PEN Club decided to award Shalamov the Freedom Prize, but he was ultimately unable to accept it.
In 1981, he suffered a stroke; upon regaining consciousness, he recited his own poems to A. A. Morozov, an admirer of his poetry who had come to visit him. Morozov published those poems in the Paris-based journal ‘Bulletin of the Russian Christian Movement’ (‘Вестник русского христианского движения’).
On January 15, 1982, after undergoing a superficial medical examination, Shalamov was admitted to a psychiatric facility. During his transfer, Shalamov caught a cold, which developed into pneumonia, and he died on January 17, 1982. Shalamov was buried at the Kuncevo Cemetery in Moscow. Approximately 150 people attended the funeral to pray for the deceased’s eternal rest. Morozov and Sutskov recited Shalamov’s poems.
What literary world does ‘The Kolyma Tales’ reveal?
The author, who had performed hard labor for 17 years in a Kolyma forced-labor camp, returned to Moscow after his release and began writing ‘The Kolyma Tales’ in 1954. However, he was an ill-fated writer whose work was never published within the Soviet Union until his death in 1982. He published five poetry collections during his lifetime and was known as a poet until ‘The Kolyma Tales’, which established his reputation as a “camp writer.” The story is set in Kolyma.
Other works about labor camps include Dostoevsky’s ‘Notes from the House of the Dead’ as well as Solzhenitsyn’s ‘One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich’ and ‘The Gulag Archipelago’; however, Shalamov’s ‘The Kolyma Tales’ possesses its own unique characteristics, differing from these works in both content and form.
Shalamov explained his creative intent behind ‘The Kolyma Tales’ as follows: “’The Kolyma Tales’ is an attempt to raise and resolve certain crucial issues of that era—issues that cannot be easily resolved through other themes. For example, the problem of the encounter between man and the world; the struggle between man and the state apparatus; the truth of that struggle; the fight for oneself; and the problems within and outside of oneself. The question of how one can navigate one’s own destiny as it is being crushed by the cogs of the state apparatus—the cogs of evil. The question of the unreality of expectations and the weight of those expectations. The question of the possibility of relying on forces other than expectations.” “I, too, consider myself a successor to Russian literature, but not to the humanitarian Russian literature of the 19th century—rather, to 20th-century modernism.”
As he revealed in his creative intent, Shalamov demonstrates in ‘The Kolyma Tales’ his resolve to devote himself—in his own unique way—to the problems of humanity and the world, and to the struggle between the state apparatus and the individual.
‘The Kolyma Tales’ consists of six series. One of these is titled ‘The Kolyma Tales’. The stories are relatively short, ranging from one to about ten pages in length. Most are compelling, with incisive themes, and are written in vivid, lively language.
Shalamov is a master of naturalistic description. Reading his work, we are drawn into the world of prisons, transit camps, and labor camps. The stories are told in the third person. Each piece offers a snapshot of the prisoners’ daily lives and frequently features thugs, thieves, con artists, and murderers. Shalamov’s protagonists are diverse: soldiers and civilians, officers and laborers. They grow accustomed to camp life and accept its rules. At times, we are unsure who they truly are. Are they rational beings, or merely animals driven solely by the instinct to survive no matter what? Yet within them, compassion, empathy, and conscience still live on. All these emotions are hidden beneath a mask learned through the experience of the camp, and it is this mask that allows them to survive. That is why they do not consider it shameful to deceive others or, as the protagonist of “The Milk” does, to eat alone in front of their fellow inmates. The most intense desire within the prisoners is freedom. Even if only for a moment, they enjoy freedom, feel freedom, and do not fear dying afterward.
The author describes everything in detail—sleeping, waking up, eating, walking around, getting dressed, working, and even the minutiae of how the prisoners play. He also provides a concrete depiction of how the guards, doctors, and camp leadership treat the prisoners barbarically. Each story recounts constant hunger, relentless cold, disease, unbearable hard labor, endless humiliation and abuse, and the atrocities committed by thugs whom even the camp leadership fears. Shalamov repeatedly compares life in this camp to Dostoevsky’s ‘Records from the House of the Dead’, stating that Dostoevsky’s “House of the Dead” is a paradise on earth compared to the experiences of the characters in ‘The Kolyma Tales’. The only ones who live comfortably inside the camp are the thugs. They engage in looting and murder, threaten doctors, and pay bribes—all in exchange for a comfortable life. Yet they face no consequences. Endless suffering and brutal labor that drives them to their graves—this is the fate of honest people who were branded as counterrevolutionaries and dragged here, though they are, in fact, innocent.
Let’s see how these terrifying stories unfold. Scenes frequently appear depicting murders committed during card games, corpses being dug up from graves to steal a dead comrade’s underwear, insanity, religious fanaticism, death, murder, suicide, the gangsters’ endless tyranny, barbaric methods for exposing malingerers, the execution of prisoners by the escort detail, and scenes of cannibalism.
Everything is depicted as vividly as if seen with one’s own eyes—in great detail and often with naturalistic precision.
Through these descriptions, the author reveals fundamental emotional motifs: the hunger that turns all humans into beasts, fear and humiliation, a slow death, and boundless tyranny and lawlessness. As for Shalamov’s technique and descriptive style as an artist, his prose is simple and highly precise. The tone of the narrative is quiet and devoid of intense outbursts. It is dry and concise, making no attempt at psychological analysis. Throughout, the author recounts events in a documentary style. Shalamov exerts a profound impact on the reader through the contrast between his calm, unhurried narration and the explosive nature of the content.
What is remarkable is that the author never reaches a point of passionate outburst, nor does he ever hurl curses at fate or the regime. He leaves this privilege to the reader, who cannot help but feel a shiver down their spine every time they read a new story. This makes it clear that all of this is not the author’s fiction, but a solemn truth wrapped in the form of art.
How does the camp reveal the nature of humanity and the world?
The central image running through all the stories is that of the camp as absolute evil. Shalamov views the camp as an accurate depiction of the totalitarian Stalinist social model. “The camp is not a contrast between hell and heaven, but a reenactment of our lives. The camp is like the world.” The camp is evil. Evil is the enduring image that comes to mind when reading ‘The Kolyma Tales’. This image arises not only because we are constantly confronted with the inhuman suffering of the prisoners, but also because the camp is a realm of the dead. We encounter death in nearly every story. If we categorize the deaths in the camp, we can divide all the protagonists into three groups. The first group consists of those who have already died, and the author recalls them. The second group consists of those who are almost certain to die. And the third group consists of those who, perhaps by luck, will not certainly die. This assertion would be the most certain fact if we assume that the author is speaking primarily about the people he encountered in the camp: a man shot for failing to meet production quotas; a college classmate he met ten years later in a cell at Butyrka Prison; a French Communist Party member beaten to death by the foreman’s fist.
Shalamov survived even after a lifetime of hard labor. Where did he find such strength? Perhaps it was all so that a survivor could return to his homeland and spread the word about the horrors of the Russians. “My outlook on life and happiness has changed completely. Kolyma taught me something entirely different. The principles of my era, my personal principles of survival, the principles of my entire life—the conclusions drawn from my personal experience and the rules I derived from that experience—cannot be expressed in just a few words. First, you must strike a blow to the cheek; only then should you show mercy. You must remember evil before you remember good. One must remember that every good deed lasts a hundred years, but every bad deed lasts two hundred. In this respect, I differ from all the Russian humanists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,” Shalamov said.
Shalamov’s prose is not merely the recollections or memoirs of a man who passed through the circles of the Kolyma hell. As the author himself states, it is a special kind of literature—“new prose.” The works and life of Barlam Shalamov reflect the fate of the intelligentsia during the era of Stalin’s Great Purge. This work seems to point the way forward, while particularly warning against the corruption that takes place within the human consciousness.
Shalamov’s decision to depict the lives of forced-labor camp inmates—which starkly reflect Stalin’s dictatorship—stemmed from a strong determination not to allow the tragedy of Kolyma to be repeated. In a 1962 letter to Solzhenitsyn, Shalamov wrote: “In short, remember this: from the first day to the last, a camp is a school of negativity for everyone. A person—whether an official or a prisoner—does not need to see a camp. But once you have seen it, no matter how terrifying it may be, you must speak the truth. … I decided long ago to devote the rest of my life to this very truth.”
He believed his work could not be reconciled with the tradition of Russian literature that espoused, propagated, and preached a humanitarian faith in the noble mission of humanity. “Art has lost the right to preach. Art fails to ennoble or improve humanity. Art is a way of life, but not a way of perceiving life. The new prose is the event itself—the battle—not its record,” Shalamov said.
Shalamov’s work opened up an unknown life to readers and introduced them to a new, unknown kind of human being—one with a distorted consciousness. To depict this, the traditional methods of artistic creation could not be used.
There is nothing in world culture comparable to Barlam Shalamov or his ‘Kolyma Tales’. I hope there never will be, but there is already ample evidence that a new Kolyma is being designed and created—right within our own consciousness. ‘Kolyma Tales’ is also a warning against this.
What kind of new prose did ‘Kolyma Tales’ create?
The genre of ‘Kolyma Tales’ is unique. This work is based on personal experience and fiction. The attempt to blend fact and fiction has, to some extent, turned this book into a historical novel. Shalamov does not tell the reader how to interpret the story. He merely narrates it objectively. Unlike Tolstoy or Solzhenitsyn, who tell a story in order to derive certain issues from it, Shalamov simply tells the story. In that sense, his storytelling can be compared to that of Anton Chekhov and Isaac Babel.
Shalamov did not adhere to the classical traditions of narrative structure but established a new genre rooted in documentary. It is a fusion of documentary and artistic expression.
Shalamov defined the genre characteristics of ‘The Kolyma Tales’ as follows:
“’The Kolyma Tales’ is a search for a new form of expression, but it is also, in and of itself, a search for new content. It is a new, special form designed to record a special state and a special situation. It has since been revealed that this can exist both in history and within the human soul. The human soul, its limits, and its moral boundaries expand infinitely. Historical experience cannot help us here.”
“Only those with personal experience have the right to record this unique experience, this unique moral state. ‘The Kolyma Tales’ is a record of the extraordinary within an extraordinary state. It is not documentary prose, but a record elevated to a high degree of artistry—the authenticity of reportage. This is how I myself understand my work. (……) ‘The Kolyma Tales’ possesses both artistic and documentary power.”
The entire work ‘The Kolyma Tales’ is based on documentary material, and the author himself actually appears in it under the names Andreyev, Golubev, and Krist. However, this work is not a memoir of the camp. Shalamov does not shy away from the facts that serve as the narrative motifs in depicting the lives of the prisoners, but he portrays the inner worlds of the protagonists using artistic techniques rather than documentary ones. The writing style lacks any particularly moving emotional intensity. He depicts terrifying and vivid subject matter with a flat, unemotional prose. Yet his concise and condensed style, which calmly portrays the scenes of camp life, reaches into the depths of human existence to create a highly artistic world. Although Shalamov’s prose contains some satirical elements, it is, by its very nature, tragic. The author also mentioned the confessional nature of ‘Tales of Kolyma’ on several occasions and emphatically referred to his narrative technique as “new prose.” “Prose must depict the essential elements of life simply and clearly. It must introduce and incorporate special, new details and new methods into the narrative. The novelty, fidelity, and precision of these details lead one to believe that the story is not merely information, but an open wound of the heart. This role is even greater in ‘New Prose.’ This is what always transforms every story into something different, and it is a crucial element of the artistic method that defines art.”
‘Tales of Kolyma’ exemplifies this “new prose”—the prose of living life.
What do Shalamov’s life and literature tell us?
The tragedy of Barlam Shalamov’s life and literature can only be truly understood within the broader context of his era. His entire journey is intertwined with Russian history. It is closely intertwined with revolutionary Russian culture, the Revolution itself, the 1920s when the author matured as a human being, the Stalinist era that plunged him into the hell of Kolyma, and all the years that followed, during which even fate was unkind to him. How was Shalamov able to endure such grueling trials and express himself with a powerful artistic force that astonished countless people around the world? The answer to this question must be determined by the reader through the author’s life and works.
After completing 17 years of forced labor in the hellish Kolyma labor camp, Shalamov returned to his beloved Moscow. Striving never to forget everything he had seen and experienced in Kolyma, he devoted himself entirely for 20 years to completing ‘The Kolyma Tales’. His family life fell apart, and he suffered throughout his life from the physical pain of a body reduced to rags by forced labor and the trauma of the camp. However, he never had the joy of seeing his work published in his home country; instead, he was confined to a psychiatric facility, where he passed away alone, having lost both his sight and his hearing.